Tuesday, 21 July 2015

Laureate Didaa's historic Letter !

Primary Source Document - Gandhi: "Non-Violence Is the First Article of My Faith"

After Gandhi is arrested for writing articles and speaking out against the British Government in India, he gives the following speech to a British judge at his hearing.

Non-violence is the first article of my faith. It is the last article of my faith and it is everything in between.  I write because I had to make my choice. I had either to accept a system, which I think has done an irreparable [terrible] harm to my country or watch the mad fury of my people bursting forth in a violent way.  I know that my people have sometimes gone mad. I am deeply sorry for it; and I am therefore, here, to submit not to a light penalty but to the highest penalty. I do not ask for mercy.  I am here, therefore, to invite and submit to the highest penalty that can be inflicted upon me for what in law is a deliberate crime but appears to me to be the highest duty of a citizen. The only course open to you, Mr. Judge, is, as I am just going to say in my statement, either to resign your post in protest of my free speech rights being violated or inflict on me the severest penalty if you believe that the system and law you are assisting to administer will allow.   I do not expect that kind of conversion. But by the time I have finished with my statement you will, perhaps, have a glimpse of what is raging within my heart to run this maddest risk which a sane man can run.


Little do people know how the semi-starved masses of Indians are slowly sinking to lifelessness. Little do they know that their miserable lives represent the little rights that they get for the work they do for the foreign exploiter [the British], and that the profits are sucked away from the people. Little do they realize that the government established by law in British India is carried on for this exploitation of the people. Nothing can explain away the misery of the people. No one can explain away the evidence the skeletons in many villages present to the naked eye. I have no doubt whatsoever that both England and the people of India will have to answer, if there is a God above, for this crime against humanity is perhaps unequalled in world history. The law itself in this country has been used to serve the foreign exploiter [British]. My experience of political cases in India leads me to the conclusion that in nine out of every ten the condemned men were totally innocent. Their crime consisted in love of their country. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, justice has been denied to Indians as against Europeans in the courts of India. This is not an exaggerated picture. It is the experience of almost every Indian who has had anything to do with such cases. In my opinion the administration of the law is thus been prostituted, whether it be consciously or unconsciously for the benefit of the exploiter [British].


The greatest misfortune is that Englishmen and their Indian associates in the administration of the country do not know that they are engaged in the crime I have attempted to describe. I am satisfied that many English and Indian officials honestly believe that they are administering one of the best systems devised in the world and that India is making steady though slow progress. These men do not know that a subtle but effective system of terrorism and an organized display of force that is being used.  Indians are deprived of all powers of retaliation or self-defence, which has emasculated [made them less of a man] the people.  Section 124-A under which I am happily charged is perhaps the prince among the political sections of the Indian Penal Code designed to suppress the liberty of the citizen.
 The section under which Mr. Banker [a volunteer who worked with Gandhi] and I are charged is one under which mere promotion of disaffection [disagreement] of British rule is a crime. I have studied some of the cases tried under it, and I know that some of the most loved of India's patriots have been convicted under it. I consider it a privilege, therefore, to be charged under it. I have no personal ill will against any single British administrator; much less can I have any disaffection towards the King's people. But I hold it to be a virtue to be disaffected [disagreeable] towards a government, which in its totality has done more harm to India than any previous system. India is less manly under the British rule than she ever was before. Holding such a belief, I consider it to be a sin to have affection [praise] for the system. And it has been a precious privilege for me to be able to write [against British rule] what I have in the various articles being used evidence against me.


In fact I believe that I have rendered a service to India and England by showing in non-cooperation the way out of the unnatural state in which both groups are living. In my humble opinion, non-cooperation with evil is as much a duty as is cooperation with good. But in the past, non-cooperation has been deliberately expressed in violence to the evildoer. I am attempting to show to my countrymen that violent non-cooperation only multiplies evil and that as evil can only be sustained by violence. Non-violence implies voluntary submission to the penalty for non-cooperation with evil. I am here, therefore, to invite and submit cheerfully to the highest penalty that can be inflicted upon me for what in law is deliberate crime and what appears to me to be the highest duty of a citizen. The only course open to you, the Judge is either to resign your posts and thus dissociate yourselves from evil if you feel that the law you are called upon to administer is evil and that in reality I am innocent.  If not, you should inflict on me the severest penalty if you believe that the system and the law you are assisting to administer are good for the people of this country and that my activity is therefore injurious to the public will.

Questions: (Answer on a separate sheet of paper)
  1. What was Gandhi on trial for?
  2. Why does Gandhi decide to write/speak out against British rule?
  3. Gandhi asks the judge to give him the highest penalty.  Why does you think he asks for this?  Pay close attention to what Gandhi tells the judge he should do.
  4. How does Gandhi describe life for the Indian people?  Who does he think is at fault or the reason this is happening to his people?
  5. What does Gandhi think the purpose of the law is in British India?  What does he specifically say to defend his position?
  6. Does Gandhi feel the English and their Indian associates are purposefully running the country in bad way?  Why or why not?  Quote from the document.
  7. Who does Gandhi have disaffection for?  Why does Gandhi think it is privilege to be charged with disaffection?
  8. How does Gandhi think he has helped England & India?
  9. What does Gandhi have to say about the differences between violent and non-violent non-cooperation?  What choice does he give the judge?
  10. Do you agree with Gandhi’s methods and what he is saying?  Why or why not?



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